Before I go on my last few days of summer vacation, I feel the need to reveal a sneaking suspicion: the former Clerk of the Privy Council and current Director of the Centre for Global Challenges, Alex Himelfarb, is actually a republican!
No, I’m not suggesting he’s a card carrying member of the GOP. And I doubt he loses sleep over the future of the monarchy in Canada. But many of his blog entries have a strong republican ring to them, in the classic sense of the word.
Republicanism has little in common with the G.O.P.
Let me be clear – republicanism is not the ideology espoused by George Bush. It is actually one of the world’s earliest political philosophies, an intellectual tradition advanced in turn by Aristotle, Cicero, Machiavelli, Monstesquieu, Rousseau, Harrington, Madison and Tocqueville. Its ever-relevant goal is the liberation of citizens from all forms of tyranny.
Defending the res publica is an idea as old as it is widespread. It took centre stage in the Athenian agora and roman forums, stoked the fires of the Italian renaissance, and inspired Britain’s Commonwealth Men as well as American and French revolutionaries. In Canada, republicanism rallied the « Patriotes” of Upper and Lower Canada and the Metis of the North-West Rebellion (Chevrier, 2009; Smith, 1987; Papineau, 1867; cf. Ajzenstat & Smith 1995).
More recently, republican thought can be found in modern writings on the history of ideas (Baylin, Harvey, Pocock, Skinner, Smith), political philosophy (Blattberg, Pettit, Sandel) and constitutional rights (Ackerman, Sunstein). And these thinkers display a far more progressive world view than the so-called « Republican” party in the United States. According to them, true republicans are opposed to the subjugation of women, workers, consumers, minorities and environmental victims (Pettit 1994; Maynor 2003). They accept taxation graciously when it is required for the common good and for the strengthening of freedoms and liberties (Holmes et Sunstein 1999). And they don’t have much in common with the ideas of Ronald Reagan, Sarah Palin or Pat Buchanan.
For many people, republicanism evokes images of Marie-Antoinette at the guillotine or loud antimonarchist activists protesting royal visits to Ottawa. In reality, many classic republican treatises (e.g. Cicero, Montesquieu, Machiavelli) accept a monarch as head of state. For republicans, the hereditary system of command is less important than the limitations imposed on its power (Pettit, 1997: 20).
Neo-republicans would ostensibly accommodate the Maple Crown, as long as the rules governing the Governor General’s nomination and responsibilities were clear and codified. However, blatant contradictions between the British North America Act and current constitutional conventions have given rise to ambiguities and loopholes. Consider the prorogation saga: for a true republican, this kind of constitutional instability is far more perilous than the Windsors’ pseudo-reign.
Republicanism in the here and now
Republican values don’t simply define a political regime, they also inform its public policies. And while republicans share the liberal’s respect for freedom, their concept of freedom is far more substantial and interventionist. For republicans, freedom is not achieved merely through non-interference. The state must actively participate in minimizing the subjugation of vulnerable individuals by other citizens.
This republican concept of freedom is three-fold. First, the state has a responsibility to protect the citizens against its own caprices. It must not exert its power arbitrarily. This requires the rule of law, constitutional constraints, institutional checks and balances, a certain distribution of power, judicial review of laws, minority rights and the right of citizens to the democratic process. With some exceptions, these principles are already entrenched in the Canada system.
Secondly, the government has the right and duty to intercede in the lives of individuals in order to promote the common good through non-arbitrary laws. It is here that republicans and liberals part ways. For republicans, the state cannot remain neutral vis-a-vis the countless individual concepts of the good life. It must rise above personal preferences, corporate interests, political factions and regionalism in order to protect the common interests of its citizens.
From the republican point of view, Ottawa should actively promote social progress and must constantly revise its public policy. Collective decisions should not be made behind closed doors by special-interest groups (with undue influence accorded to more powerful players), nor should they be a composite of individual preferences (which may in fact go against the public’s interest). Decisions must instead proceed from transparent democratic debate.
Finally, this interventionist approach applies, a fortiori, to relationships between citizens of varying levels of power. For example, the law must protect women from domestic violence, strengthen unions to prevent the exploitation of workers, and protect minorities from discrimination. Despite its many achievements, Canada still has a long way to go in these areas.
A republican voice?
Regular readers might recognize that many of these ideas surface not infrequently in the former Clerk of the Privy Council’s blog. It’s true these blog entries are written as spontaneous responses to current events, but they also reveal a fairly coherent view of Canadian political life. And this view seems (to me) to be pretty close to neo-republican thought. Here are its main themes:
- It is incumbent on each and every one of us to participate in the political life of the state, which includes public affairs education, commitment to shared values , thoughtful introspection and solidarity, meaningful public discourse and voting.
- We must nurture the state, strengthen the public service, and we must not be afraid to intervene in the economy in the face of current challenges or to promote social progress.
- The politics of the common good transcend special interests and require raising taxes, taxing carbon emissions, protecting the environment and regulating the finance industry.
- Government should contribute to the emancipation of Canadian citizens by respecting civil liberties and promoting equal opportunity, by rehabilitating prisoners and by ensuring access to good medical care and education.
Put together, these ideas form the basis of an inspiring agenda for Canada and Québec. Himelfarb may or may not agree with my interpretation of his impromptu reflections, but the central tenets of republicanism remain startlingly relevant today. Republicanism underlines the importance of the common good and political participation, it calls for a stronger state and seeks the emancipation of marginalized citizens. These notions are currently being neglected in today’s public discourse, and they are worthy of much broader consideration.
- Arendt, H. (1983). La condition de l’homme moderne. Paris: Calmann-Lévy.
- Aristote. (332 AEC). La politique.
- Buies, A. (1867). Lettres sur le Canada.
- Cicero. (700). De la république.
- Cicero. (702). Des lois.
- Ferry, J. (1996). La République des citoyens. Textes choisis par Odile Rudelle. Paris: Imprimerie nationale.
- Harrington, J. (1656). The Commonwealth of Oceana.
- Machiavelli, N. (1531). Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live.
- Madison, J, Hamilton, A. & Jay, J. (1788). Federalist papers.
- Milton, J. (1650). The tenure of kings and magistrates.
- Montesquieu, C. S. (1758). De l’esprit des lois.
- Paine, T. (1791). Rights of man.
- Papineau, L.-J. (1857). Discours devant l’Institut canadien le 17 décembre 1867.
- Price, R. (1776). Observations on the nature of civil liberty, the principles of government, and the justice and policy of the war with America.
- Priestley, J. (1768). Essays on the first principles of government.
- Rousseau, J. J. (1762). Du contrat social.
- Tocqueville, A. (1835). De la démocratie en Amérique. Tome 1.
- Tocqueville, A. (1840). De la démocratie en Amérique. Tome 2.
- Tocqueville, A. (1856). L’Ancien régime et la Révolution.
- Trenchard, J. & Gordon, T. (1737). Cato’s Letters.
- Ackerman, B. (2000). We the people. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
- Ajzenstat, J. & Smith, P.J., dir. (1995), Canada’s Origins: Liberal, tory, or republican? Ottawa: Carleton University Press.
- Audier, S. (2004). Les théories de la république. Paris: La Découverte.
- Audier, S. (2004). Tocqueville retrouvé. Paris: Vrin.
- Baron, H. (1966). The crisis of the early Italian Renaissance. 2e édition. Princeton: Princeton University press.
- Basquiat, P. & Dupuis, E., Eds. (2007). L’idée républicaine en Europe. XVIIIe – XXIe siècle. Paris: L’Harmattan.
- Baylin, B. (1992). The ideological origins of the American Revolution. 2e édition. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
- Blais, M.-C. (2000). Au principe de la république. Le cas Renouvier. Paris: Gallimard.
- Bock, G. Skinner, Q, & Viroli, M., Eds. (1990). Machiavelli and republicanism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Chevrier, M. (2008). L’idée républicaine au Québec et au Canada français. Dans L’idée républicaine dans le monde. XVIIIe – XXIe siècle. Nouveau Monde, Afrique, monde musulman (p.31-64). Basquiat, P. et Dupuis, E., dir. Paris: L’Harmattan.
- Ewart, J.S. (1917). Imperial Projects and the Republic of Canada.
- Ferry, L. & Renaud, A. (1985). Philosophie politique. Des droits de l’homme à l’idée républicaine. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.
- Fink, Z.S. (1962). The classical republicans: an essay in the recovery of a pattern of tought in seventeen century England. 2e édition. Evanston: Northwestern University Press.london: Routledge.
- Fontana, B., dir. (1994). The invention of the modern republic. Cambridge: Vambridge University Press.
- Furet, F. & Ozouf, M. (1992). La République. Paris: Gallimard.
- Gauchet, M. (1995). La révolution des pouvoirs. La souveraineté, le peuple et la représentation, 1789-1799. Paris: Gallimard.
- Greer, A. (1997). Habitants et Patriotes. La Rébellion de 1837 dans les campagnes du Bas-Canada. Montréal: Boréal.
- Harvey, L.-G. (2005). Le printemps de l’Amérique française. Américanité, anticolonialisme et républicanisme dans le discours politique québécois, 1805-1837. Montréal: Boréal.
- Kelly, S. (1997). La petite Loterie. Comment la Couronne a obtenu la collaboration du Canada français après 1837. Montréal: Boréal.
- Nicolet, C. (1992). La république en France. État des lieux. Paris: Seuil.
- Nicolet, C. (1995). L’idée républicaine en France, 1789-1924. Paris: Gallimard.
- Oldfield, A. (1990). Citizenship and community. Civic republicanism and the modern world. London: Routledge.
- Pagden, A., Ed. (1987). The language of political theory in early modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Pocock, J.G.A. (1975). The Machiavellian moment: Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
- Raab, F. (1965). The English face of Machiavelli: a chaging interpretation, 1500-1700. London: Routledge.
- Sieffert, D. (2006). Comment peut-on (vraiment) être républicain? Paris: La Découverte.
- Skinner, Q. (1978). The foundations of modern political thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Skinner, Q. (1998). Liberty before liberalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Skinner, Q. (2008). Hobbes and republican liberty. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Smith, P.J. (1987). The Ideological Origins of Canadian Confederation. Revue canadienne de science politique (20): 3-29.
- Viroli, M. (1995). For love and country. An essay on patriotism and and nationalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Barber, N. (1984). Strong democacy: participatory politics for a new age. Berkeley: University of California Press.
- Bernstein, S. et Rudelle, O., Eds.(1992). Le modèle républicain. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.
- Bourdeau, V. (2007). La république et ses démons. Essai de républicanisme appliqué. Paris: Ere.
- Blattberg, C. (2000). From pluralism to patriotic politics: putting practice first. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Blattberg, C. (2003). Shall we dance?A patriotic politics for Canada. Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
- Debray, R. (1998). La république expliquée à ma fille. Paris: Seuil.
- Elkin, S.E. & Soltan,, K.E., Eds. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
- Fraser, A. W. (1990). The Spirit of the Laws: Republicanism and the Unfinished Project of Modernity. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
- Holmes, S. & Sunstein, C. (1999). The cost of rights. Why liberty depends on taxes. New York: Norton.
- Kriegel, B. (1998). La cité républicaine. Paris: Galilée
- Kriegel, B. (1998). Philosophie de la république. Paris: Plon.
- Krulic, B., Ed. (2009). La république en perspective. Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval.
- Maclure, J. & Taylor, C. (2010). Laïcité et liberté de conscience. Montréal: Boréal.
- Maynor, J. (2003). Republicanism in the modern world. Cambridge: Polity Press.
- Pettit, P. (1994). Republicanism: a theory of governement and freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Pettit, P. (2001). A theory of freedom: from the psychology to the politics of agency. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American communities. New York: Simon and Schuster.
- Renaut, A. (2005). Qu’est-ce qu’un peuple libre ? Libéralisme ou républicanisme. Paris: Grasset.
- Sandel, M. (1996). Democracy’s discontent: America in search of a public philosophy. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
- Spitz, J.-F. (1995). La liberté politique. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.
- Spitz, J.-F. (2005). Le moment républicain en France. Paris: Gallimard.
- Sunstein, C. (1990). After the rights revolution: reconceiveing the regulatory state. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
- Sunstein, C. (1993). The enduring legacy of republicanism. Dans A new constitutionnalism: designing political institutions for a good society (p. 174-206).
- Sunstein, C. (1999). Free markets and social justice. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Sunstein, C. (2004). The second Bill of rights: FDR’s unfinished revolution and why we need it more than ever. New York: Basic Books.
- Sunstein, C. (2005). Why societies need dissent. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
- Taylor, C. (1991). What’s wrong with negative liberty (p. 141-162). Dans Liberty (p.141-162), Miller D., dir. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Tenzer, N. (1993). La république. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.
- Taylor, C. (1995). Philosophical arguments. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
- Weinstock, D. et Nadeau, C., dir. (2004). Republicanism: history, theory and practice. London: Frank Cass.
Translated from the French original by Jamie McLennan, March 2011 (c).